Arguendo

Arguendo is the Core Project in the Lex Coterie Group of Organizations.

Monday, 21 October 2013

The Street Reality.

Providing balance through legal framework, between fundamental rights to do business and right of public to utilise same place


Approximately 2.5% of India’s total population sole source of existence is through street vending. A self employed vendor can be considered as a micro-entrepreneur who earns his living by selling products and services on the streets. Being in informal sector this is one of the most unorganized and unregulated professions in India with minimum policy intervention. Although a national policy was formulated in the year 2004 which was revised in year 2009 but the provisions in it are yet to be materialized.
Size of street vending population
As the most visible segment of the urban informal economy, it is indisputable that there are thousands of street vendors in most big cities of developing world. Yet it is exceedingly difficult to produce accurate estimates of the number of street traders in any given city. In some countries official statics on street vendors are available, though they likely underestimate the total number of people engaged in street vending.
Street Vending- A professions of Ordeals
Street vending is usually correlated with low and insecure income. In most cities it is assumed to be an illegal encroachment of public land and a source of chaos and nuisance. To make matters worse regulation of street vending generally follows the “conflict model”. Various town authorities often issue eviction orders arbitrarily in the pretext of traffic jams, health reasons, public inconvenience and encroachment. Often a street vendor’s income is limited by the natural forces, seizure of goods and insecurity of losing the space for vending. What a Vendor needs is an enabling environment in which he can develop his entrepreneur skills peacefully. Keeping in mind, the livelihood of street vendors, government passed Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Bill, 2012. The bill aimed at providing social security and livelihood rights to street vendors


Highlights of the Bill


The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Bill, 2012 was introduced in the Lok Sabha on September 6, 2012.
  • The Bill shall not be applicable to land owned or controlled by the Railways under the Railways Act, 1989.
  • The Bill requires every street vendor to be registered with the Town Vending Committee. The Bill states that the minimum age of a street vendor has to be 14 years.
  • Street Vendors have been defined to include ‘any person engaged in vending of articles, goods, food etc or offering services to the general public in a street lane, side walk, footpath, pavement, public park, or any other public or private area. It includes hawkers, peddlers, and squatters.
  • The Bill provides that no person can undertake any street vending activity without obtaining the required vending certificate. Every registered street vendor shall be issued an identity card.
  • The Bill states that a vending certificate shall be issued to stationary vendors, mobile vendors, or any other category of vendor recognised by the appropriate government.
  • The Bill requires every local authority to frame a street vending plan. The plan has to be reframed every five years. The plan shall determine the vending zones as (a) restriction-free vending zones; (b) restricted vending
  • The Bill defines natural markets as “a market where sellers and buyers have traditionally congregated for more than a specified period for the sale and purchase of specific products or services and has been determined as such by the local authority.”
  • The appropriate government shall frame a street vending scheme. The scheme shall include amongst others: (a) the manner of applying for registration,
(b) The period within which the decision has to be made and,
(c) Any other condition to be imposed on the vending certificate.
  • The Bill empowers the local authority to relocate street vendors. The authority may do so, of the street vendors are causing a public nuisance or obstructing the movement of the public. A registered street vendor who has been relocated shall be entitled to new site for vending.
  • The local authority is also empowered to confiscate the goods of the vendors in the manner specified in the street vending scheme.
  • The Bill empowers the Town Vending Committee to cancel or suspend the vending certificate. This may be done if the vendor has breached the conditions of street vending either under the Bill or under the street vending scheme.
Key Issues and Analysis
Currently, street vending is regulated under municipal laws enacted by state legislatures. Parliament’s competence to legislate on this issue depends on whether the Bill is interpreted as substantively addressing rights and obligations of street vendors (Concurrent List) or relating to municipal zoning (State List). 
The Bill does not specify principles to be followed by governments in issuing vending certificates, allocating vending zones and the number of vendors per zone.  Absence of such norms could defeat the purpose of enacting a law to ensure uniformity in the legal framework. 
The Bill does not require the stakeholders to be consulted in the formulation of the street vending plan.  This could lead to a lack of safeguards in ensuring that plan is determined in a fair manner.  
The central law will have overriding effect on state laws that are inconsistent with the Bill.  Current state laws differ with the Bill in terms of powers of the TVC, and mechanism for dispute resolution.
The Standing Committee suggests making the Bill applicable to the Railways, incorporating specific provisions of the scheme in the Bill, and consultation with the TVC on the vending plan
Balancing objectives of the Bill:  livelihood rights vs.  Urban planning needs

In regulating urban street vending activities, the Bill aims to balance three key objectives: securing the right to livelihood of street vendors, ensuring congestion free public spaces and streets, and convenience of vending services for customers. The Bill provides a broad framework for registration of street vendors, grounds for relocation, eviction and confiscation of goods, functions of the local authority and Town Vending Committee, and a grievance redressal mechanism.  The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Bill says the law is proposed for “ensuring uniformity in the legal framework across states and union territories”. However, the Bill leaves several aspects of the regulation of street vending to the street vending scheme that is to be formulated by state governments and implemented by local authorities. The Bill does not specify the principles to be considered by local authorities in issuing vending certificates, allocating vending zones and determining the number of vendors per zone, or the public purpose for which vendors may be relocated.

Author- Madhvi Chopra.

Tuesday, 15 October 2013

CUSTODIAL DEATHS – A LEGALIZED CRIME



Custodial Violence means torture in police custody. Death in custody is when a person dies when in the custody of the police, prison service or other authorities. Death in custody of police is not an uncommon event now; still it remains a controversial subject, with the authorities often being accused of using lethal force, abuse, neglect, racism and over-ups of the causes of death. Custodial deaths are perhaps one of the worst crimes in a civilized society governed by the Rule of Law.


A reading of the morning newspapers almost every day carrying reports of dehumanizing torture and death in custody of police, etc. is indeed depressing. In almost every state there is an increase in frequency of deaths in custody, generally prescribed by the newspapers as lock-up deaths. The increasing incidence of torture and death custody has assumed such alarming proportions that is a affecting the credibility of the Rule of Law and the administration of criminal justice system. Society’s cry for justice has never been louder. While the reported cases of custodial deaths are increasing in India, statistics are difficult to come by, as there is government apathy to transparency.


To the less gulling, the Rosy picture of “Indian shining” appears less rosy as India is in the throes of a shocking and disturbing crisis fuelled by violence that the State inflicts on its citizens thought encounter killings, police torture and custodial deaths. Respect for human rights is the sine qua non of any civilized society and the disrespect for human rights is inimical to civil liberties granted to its citizens by the state. By this standard, the Indian State lamentably fails and is a cause for concern for those who value civil  liberties.    
They are part of a “deliberate and conscious state administrative practice” for which successive Indian governments must bear the responsibility.


“Custodial torture” is naked violation of human dignity and degradation which destroys, to a very large extent, the individual personality. It is a calculated assault on human dignity and whenever human dignity is wounded, civilization takes a step backward-flag of humanity must on each such occasion fly half –mast. The word torture today has become synonymous with the darker side of the human civilization.


It is a wound in the soul so painful that sometimes you can almost touch it, but it is also such intangible that there is no way to heal it. Torture is anguish squeezing in your chest, cold as ice and heavy as a stone paralyzing as sleep and dark as the abyss. Torture is despair and fear and rage and hate. It is a desire to kill and destroy including yourself  .


In recent years, third degree torture and custodial deaths have become an intrinsic part of police investigations and the injury inflicted on the prisoners is sometimes unbearable and its use of torture and third degree methods against suspects in police lockups remains standard operating procedure in post-Independence India.


The Supreme Court has attributed this increase, to the “devilish devices adopted by those at the helm of affairs who proclaim from rooftops to be the defenders of democracy and protectors of peoples’ rights and yet do not hesitate to condescend behind the screen to let loose their men in uniform to settle personal scores, feigning ignorance of what happens and pretending to be peace-loving puritans and saviors of citizens’ right”.


Lack of accountability and almost total immunity enjoyed by the police until recently accounts for the increasing instances of custodial deaths.


The long delays in courts in prosecuting the guilty police personnel, due to the ignorance of judges create a climate of impunity for such crimes to flourish. The governments also reward policemen or paramilitary personnel, which actually encourage encounter killing. The lack of legislation outlawing torture is another reason. Further, even the compensation paid to the surviving members of the victims murdered by the police personnel remains a pittance and if and when it is awarded it is a paltry.
Torture is the only way available with the police to find the clues from the victims. The police save influential and wealthy offenders by implicating innocent people and torturing them until a ‘confession’ is obtained. The communal and caste divide in India is closely linked with torture. The police or other state institutions are directly involved in most of the communally charged violence.



Respect for human dignity while protecting life and liberty of an individual is the cardinal principal of the Indian Constitution. The constitution has elaborate provisions to prevent Police brutalities. Article 19, Article 20, Article 21, Article 22, Article 32, And Article 226 of The torture. Moreover the Indian Evidence Act prohibits use of confession made before the police officer and the one obtained through inducement, threat of promise in criminal trials.


Attentiveness to these human rights concerns is not simply a moral and legal imperative, but also a crucial strategic imperative. As the Supreme Court of India has recognized, ‘terrorism often thrives where human rights are violated’ and ‘the lack of hope for justice provides breeding grounds for terrorism.’ Why the huge gap between the positive approach and the increasing use of torture is not bridged, is a big question.


Abraham Lincoln once said,      “if you once forfeit the confidence of our fellow citizens you can never regain their respect and esteem.”


Despite the fact that we have detailed provisions to protect and safeguard the human rights of the people, we see that a steady process of devaluation of human dignity and personality is irresistibly advancing and brutal betrayal of those basic rights, which are enshrined in International Bill Of Human Rights, becomes a common scenario. The human rights are daily providing to be a mere teaming illusion and promise of unreality. However there is a new emerging would legal order. The Indian experiment in enacting the protection of Human rights Act is a hopeful start. The human rights jurisprudence is gaining judicial reverence in Indian especially where life and liberty are violated by state violence.



The prevalence of custodial violence also needs deeper introspection. Investigating agencies often use the excuse of public pressure to solve ‘crime’ as justification for resorting to ‘third-degree’ methods of interrogation. This is also supported by public condo nation and even sanction of such torture. However torture and custodial violence is not limited to interrogation alone, but also seen as ‘just’ punishment and ‘fair’ exercise of police authority. The award by the judiciary of the death sentence to police officials in such cases of custodial crime merely reinforces and legitimizes this culture of violence by resorting to brute force as punishment for the ‘criminal’. Resorting to capital punishment is not the solution to violent crime. 
Suggested reforms
The training imparted to policemen should include-
  1. Inculcating democratic sense and idealism Understanding that descent on part of public is not necessarily a threat to public order and the idea that the police is basically to help the public
  2. Better amenities should be provided at police station and lock up traffic police have a high – visibility profile and they , therefore , need special attention in terms of improvement
  3. The system of patrolling must be revamped so that the public get the feeling that the crime can be prevented.
Other reforms
  1. investigation wing should be separated from law and order wing
  2. There should be security commission at national and state level as recommended by the  national police commission.
  3. In  each district, a separate police superintendent should be made  responsible for collection and dissemination of criminal intelligence


    By- Madhivi Chopra. 
          

Wednesday, 2 October 2013

Project SWABHIMAAN






Project Swabhimaan is an All India Free Online Mock Test for Differently Able CLAT
Aspirants. It is a campaign run by CLATJunction.com for differently able CLAT aspirants
(PWD). CLAT Junction started this campaign on 2nd Oct 2013 nationwide. And for the purpose
to encourage the a differently able CLAT aspirant for writing CLAT 2014, clatjunction.com will
award free mock test series to top 3 scorer and 50% fee waiver on courses of CLAT Junction to
next 15 top scorer.
The test will be taken online on date 11 November 2013. Last date of
registration is 8th November 2013 for participants.
 Interested participant can send their registration form along with the scanned copy of their PWD certificate online on
clatjunction@gmail.com or ameypandey@gmail.com after downloading registration form from www.clatjunction.com

CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS

CLAT Junction also invites CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS for this noble cause. In order to join
this noble cause one can send his CV/Resume to clatjunction@gmail.com or
ameypandey@gmail.com. There are no eligibility criteria for volunteers. Volunteers will be
given a certificate after the completion of cause. Last date for the application for call for
volunteers is 15th October 2013. Lastly I would like to make an appeal to all the readers to
spread this cause so that maximum number of people can get benefit. Call for Volunteers
CLAT Junction invites volunteers from all over India for this noble cause to show their support
and give their hand to help project SWABHIMAAN. Work of volunteers is to draw attention of
maximum numbers of people towards this cause and completing allocated work within given
period of time. One can also be part of project by helping The team SWABHIMAAN by
providing quality questions for mock test, hence Teachers can also join this campaign. All the
volunteers will get a certificate after the completion of this project. Register yourself as volunteer
by downloading form and send it to clatjunction@gmail.com or ameypandey@gmail.com along
with attached copy of your CV/ Resume and a Cover Letter. Forms are available at
www.clatjunction.com

Last date of registering as volunteer is 15th October 2013.

Important Dates

Announcement: 2nd October 2013
Date of Examination: 11th November 2013
Last date of Registration for Test: 8th November 2013
Last date for Registration of Call For Volunteers: 15th October 2013
Result will announce on: 20th November 2013

Contact Details:

Project Coordinator: Ms. Neha Singh (9472474746)
Convener Project: Mr. Amey Pandey (9472042366)
Co Convener: Mr. Takshendra Sharma (8560880785)

Email id:
clatjunction@gmail.com
ameypandey@gmail.com
Believe you can succeed  :)

Thursday, 26 September 2013

Reservations In Promotions.

Provision of reservation for the SC/ST/OBC category in the field of promotion in public employment continues to be a long ranging topic of argumentative discourse, receiving quite a mixed response in terms of both vehement opposition as well as strong support. With the untold tale of reality unfolding itself every day and creating a visibly detrimental impact on the social fabric of India, we are faced with a barrier that is hard to define but even harder to remove. While the Constitution of India provides for certain special privileges to the apparently downtrodden sections of the society, also known as the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the history of this contentious and politically debatable question traces long back. While it was initially extended to a period of ten years from the date of enactment of the constitution of the country, subsequent developments have witnessed a continuing extension of this ten year period, following the lapse of the previous time frame. The real history of this entire concept (read: political movement) traces back to the times before the colonial regime, when castes were classified on the basis of the occupation and ranked accordingly. During the British reign, it was proposed that the Scheduled Castes be treated as a separate community altogether and granted separable representation under the provisions of the Government of India Act of 1935. The Sardar Vallabhai Patel spearheaded Constituent Assembly Committee on Fundamental Rights and Minorities proposed this ten year assessment and action period, during which questions of welfare governance were to be addressed , for the purpose of “ upliftment” of the socially downtrodden. The problem that has stood as the tremendous impediment to the fulfillment of the actual purpose of what is a noble move per se, has been its rampant politicization, thereby threatening to affect the entire structure present within the domain of public services. The recent Hundred and Seventeenth Amendment Act of 2012( after the 1995 amendment),substitutes the previously existent clause (a) in subsection4 of the sixteenth article  in the form of Bill Number XLVIII is what many, including myself, view as the final nail on the coffin of the efficiency of our public services. As per the constitutional substitution, full authority has been delegated to the State in reserving posts at the time of promotion as well, irrespective of the provisions under Article 335. This, of course, applies to only the public sector.
The broad range of policies and actions that have been designed to promote social equality have mostly revolved as well as evolved around the fact that a “level playing field” must be provided to those categories of people who have long been deprived of certain basic social and political rights. Affirmative action policies, promoting intentions of good governance have, however, failed to address the main issue and have therefore led to a number of grass root level errors. .This essay shall deal with exactly how the entire setup is going to be adversely affected by providing reservation at the promotion level in public services. Questions of the dichotomy within the law in relation to scientific principles have also been addressed in the same.
One of the primary arguments against this category of reservation that must be appreciated is what is also known as the “mismeasurement of merit”. Critics of affirmative action argue that affirmative action circumvents merit. However, the presence of implicit bias can produce discrimination by causing the very basis of evaluation, merit, to be mismeasured. This insight reframes certain affirmative action programs not as "preferential treatment" but as an opportunity for more accurate measures. The fundamental question that arises at this particular juncture is whether the means of ensuring social justice can be executed in a fashion that would cause gross injustice to another section of society. If ensuring justice is the real goal of a particular move or policy, then that cannot possibly be at the cost of injustice on another front. However, sadly, that is exactly what would happen if quotas were to exist at the promotion level in public services. Every form of service in this world has a particular set structure. Irrespective of their difference on various fronts, there exists one common feature- you may climb up the ladder only if you deserve to climb up the ladder. Even if one agrees to the provision of quotas at the time of recruitment or entry, there exists absolutely no rational basis of argument to provide for reservation at the time of promotion as well. Yes, providing for a level “ playing field” is in order, but once this has been provided, it must be only the talent of the individual that would have to be the ultimate indicator of worth, not the caste or the class. The stand taken in Janaki Prasad Parimoo vs. State of Jammu and Kashmir (Hereafter, Janaki) confirmed the idea that the tendency was always to give more preference to less meritorious individuals, simply basing the judgment criteria on caste. It is this very idea that will not only hinder our performance, but also make people doubt the validity and quality of our public services. While addressing questions of good governance, we speak of “fair measures” of ensuring social justice. By “fair”, we mean the presence of the moral intuition that excludes unwarranted discrimination. Hence, by executing this form of reservation, the system is being rather unfair, in the strict sense of the word, on two fronts. Firstly, the implicit bias within the system itself, in terms of the enforcement of social stereotypes is being greatly upheld and there is no sense of justice, anywhere. Affirmative action policies are there not to make life irrationally comfortable for the socially downtrodden, but to give them the basic platform to rise, to make a point. If this really is the intention, then by providing for reservation even at the time of promotion, we abandon all forms of fairness and structural rationale as such.
It is only logical to put forward the argument that almost every form of social stereotype is being enhanced, or being enforced, by a policy that does not allow the socially downtrodden to fend for themselves, to rise without external policy aid. I somewhere get the feeling, that the policy makers of our country doubt the efficiency of the concerned people. And it is because of this doubt, that they get the feeling that even at the time of promotion, they would not possess the required skill or talent to get through to the next level. If the positive discrimination policy was not designed to garner the minority votes, then why, logically speaking, would we doubt the fact that these individuals have capacity like any other, to rise up the ladder?  If we were to assume that the motive behind reservation was to bridge the existing social gap between categories of people, then we would certainly not accept that policy as dynamic, democratic and egalitarian that instead of bridging the gap, widens it. People are more or less conscious of the differences in caste or class that exists in society and would, in all probability be inclined towards moves that would eradicate such thinking. However, the policy that reserves posts even at the time of promotion, either highlights the tremendous extent to which the capabilities of these people are doubted or the extent to which vote bank politics is played in our country. This system is not just unfair for those at whose cost it is being implemented, but also to those benefitting from it, by virtue of its inherently discriminatory nature. The real impediment to an effective programme, designed to implement the course of action of a reasonably sound policy (affirmative action) has been the shortcuts employed by the government. Instead of sowing seeds of disunity between social categories, the government must focus on addressing the issue of “backwardness” at a very basic level. If this country has enough money to stash away in the banks of Switzerland, then it can and it has to come up with schemes that promote the spread of free and compulsory education for all, at least up to the age of fourteen. In this way, society would move a step forward towards restructuring itself, instead of destructuring it. We live in a society, whose members have already been badly hit by policies of poor governance. If amending constitutional provisions was the key to the attainment of our welfare state objective, then India would have been the world’s strongest nation by now, at least in terms of overall efficiency. However, that still is a rather distant dream. Historical wrongs need to be corrected. There is general agreement on that front. However, this cannot be done at the cost of efficiency, good governance, fairness, reasonability and justice.
The civil services in our country deal with promotions, primarily on the basis of seniority and tenure in that particular service. If such a peculiar and ridiculous reservation policy was to be put in to force, then the entire setup would collapse like a pack of cards. For instance, dealing with the norm of consequential seniority, the rule was followed that a reserved candidate may be promoted on the basis of the roster system prior to a general candidate, but as the general candidate is promoted, he supersedes the reserved candidate who was his junior.
This is what was happening initially, but was promoted earlier than him because of reservation policy, and the status quo that existed prior to promotion of reserved candidate will be maintained in terms of seniority. This made the constitution to be amended 85th time and in clause (4A) of Article 16 terms with consequential seniority were added, a concept that was held unconstitutional in R.K Sabharwal vs. State of Punjab. This is nothing but blatant evidence of the fact that the policy makers of this nations seems to be giving second priority to the talent or the merit and focusing instead, on the number of people who can be pleased, something which in crude terms, is called vote bank politics. It is in fact, this menace which the judge pointed out in the landmark Vasant Kumar case. The anti- meritorious nature of this format of reservation (in promotion) can also be analyzed from the arguments raised in Balaji vs. State of Mysore, where this nature of reservations was assumed.
. This intrinsic structure is what has inherently bound the services together, the efficiency of which is now precariously on the line. In S. Vinod Kumar v. Union of India( Hereafter, Vinod Kumar), the Supreme Court held that under the light of Article 335, efficiency of administration has to be maintained and standards could not be relaxed or waived to afford the protection of reservation. This made the Constitution to be amended for the 82nd time and a new provision was inserted under Article 335 that standards can be relaxed to accommodate reservation. If such is the lack of concern or sensitivity of the leaders of India, then can we really expect to make much real progress?
A country that boasts of being the largest democracy, also boasts quite highly of the excellence of their public services. If we do want to maintain a certain amount of legitimacy in this claim, then it automatically becomes our prerogative to ensure that only the best people hold the best posts. The efficiency of the public services is something that determines the global output of a country, among several other important factors. If this level of efficiency is to be maintained, then we cannot possibly have quotas even during promotion, as that would hinder basic good governance and in turn destroy the entire setup. If 8 IAS officers are to be promoted during a particular period of time, then it must be known as the promotion of 8 IAS officers, not 3 SC and 5 General officers.  At a time when politics seems to be over ruling logic, it seems to be a rather uphill task to deconstruct the rationale of the entire system and address it properly, all over again. However, it certainly is better to be late, than never.
Dealing further with the question of governance, such a policy is bound to create a sense of complacency within the minds of those who come within its ambit. If a particular group of people know of the existence of such a provision, then, by virtue of possessing the characteristics of any normal human being, they would get the feeling that they needn’t work as hard as the others, to reach the top. It is this sense of complacency and unwarranted assurance that is just so very dangerous to the performance of the services as a whole. In a developing country like ours, where we need every working individual to put in his/her best, such feelings cannot be entertained. This entire setup has a very negative impact on the minds of the general category candidates, since it is but natural for them to feel that it’s practically of no use putting in much effort, considering the extreme levels of competition becoming even more difficult and perhaps illogical with the introduction of mindless quotas at every level. It is imperative for us to think about the global image that must be maintained for a country that fancies its chances of being one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. If we add to the already tarnished image of being a country full of quotas and not talent, then what chances do we really have?
The protection of the interests of the country comes first, not those of a caste or class. When the Gujjar Meena clashes had broken out at the backdrop the recommendations of the Chopra Committee, denying the rights of Gujjars to be included as Scheduled Tribes, this country witnessed blatant evidence of the immense sentiment involved in the entire process, the side effects of which are detrimental to the national stability. By adopting a move as dangerous as that of reserving posts at the time of promotion, the policy makers are just going another step forward in inviting a situation of anarchy to take over. The reservation policy operates on the quota system, which works the way the legendary Greek innkeeper Procrustes used to fit all guests into the bed he had. If they were too short, he stretched their limbs; if they were too long; their limbs were cut to size. Politicians have found that strategy so profitable that they have steadily extended it to more and more castes.
,
In the bargain reservation has increased social tensions, and reduced social harmony. Those in favour of reservation treat that loss of harmony as collateral damage, a damage that is unavoidable and worth suffering because only the privileged upper castes are affected. It is commonly believed that a democracy thrives on the wants and expectations of its citizens. If this really is the case, then why, at the cost of the happiness, careers and legitimacy would the policy makers wish to make such a move?

Coming now to what is possibly THE most important question, is this vote- bank politics and if it is, then how does it affect governance? Keeping in mind the fact that the achievement of social justice is not the prerogative of any single seat of power but the society as a whole, the application and execution of the constitutional provisions of reservation must fall within the ambit of power of the legislative organs of the state, not the executive. If such discretion is given to the executive, then it is bound, by virtue of well proven records, to invite corruption into the system. A similar contention was made in Comptroller and Auditor General vs. Mohan Lal Mehrotra. The rules made under Article 309 of the Indian Constitution, mention the appointment of posts as those falling within executive authority. If this is what is to continue, then the public services, which need to be free from the holds of the dirty Indian corruption, will not be spared. Once this happens, the entire public sector performance would simply collapse, as we have already seen on a number of different fronts.
As has been mentioned earlier, the country has failed to undertake the accurate moves in order to remedy the situation. There are various models of affirmative action, including the Korenizatsiia, (Rastsvet), (Sblizhenie) and (Sliianie), which have been movements reflecting a great deal of success in Soviet Russia. A similar success was noted in East Germany. While the early policies of the United States of America, with reference to their initial executive orders had failed, corrective measure were undertaken to make way for a truly egalitarian social fabric. This is precisely what India needs to do. Giving enough time to come up with newer and more pragmatic models will alter and better the situation, not hasty governance.
To address this entire argument in just one article, is a rather uphill challenge. However, I have made a conscious effort to assimilate and accumulate my limited understanding of the issue and put it together in this document. Answering the questions raised by the nine judge bench in the Indra Sawhney Case, is not very easy, considering our varied socio- political set up, but the least that the leaders of our great motherland can do, is to at least consider possible alternatives. The public services are our pride. They must not die.

“If our political progress was to be real, the underdogs of our society
must be helped to become men”
                                                                                                   RABINDRANATH TAGORE





About The Author- 
Devarshi Mukhopadhyay is a 2nd Year student of NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad.